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Bankers and Trotskyists unite to stop Hard Brexit, from Peter Myers

(1) Bankers, Trotskyists and Anarchists unite to stop Hard Brexit(2) Economist proposes plans for MPs to block a no-deal Brexit(3) Economist Editorial: MPs must act now to stop Johnson’s no-deal Brexit(4) Soros' Project Syndicate proposes ways to beat Johnson's 'Coup' (Anatole Kaletsky)(5) Told of Corporate opposition to Hard Brexit, Johnson replied: "Fuck Business"(6) Labour hard left threatens Shutdown - blockading bridges and  roads - to stop Hard Brexit(7) Global Justice & Red Pepper nationwide protests 'to defend democracy and #StopTheCoup'(8) Socialist Worker Trots call for Mass Strikes to kick Johnson out(1) Bankers, Trotskyists and Anarchists unite to stop Hard Brexit- by Peter Myers, August 30, 2019By 'bankers', I refer to Lord Rothschild, owner of The Economist, and George Soros, owner of the website Project Syndicate.Soros is not just a speculator on the stock exchange, but a money-lender - a banker. He and Rothschild seem to operate in cahoots; and often promote causes favoured by Trotskyists.By 'Trotskyists and Anarchists', I refer to Momentum, Global Justice, Red Pepper, Socialist Worker and the like, who are calling for strikes and a blockade to shut down the economy.They call Johnson's actions 'undemocratic', forgetting that the Leave camp won the Brexit Referendum. Further, the Working Class - their supposed constituency - voted to Leave. It was the Greens and the City of London who voted Remain. But, of course, Trots and Anarchists are mainly intellectuals, not workers.(2) Economist proposes plans for MPs to block a no-deal Brexithttps://www.economist.com/britain/2019/08/29/boris-johnson-suspends-parliament-causing-uproarTaking back controlBoris Johnson suspends Parliament, causing uproarAs MPs plan to block a no-deal Brexit, the government plans to send them homePrint edition | BritainAug 29th 2019The pressure is rising in the battle between Boris Johnson, who is determined to lead Britain out of the European Union with or without a deal on October 31st, and Parliament, where a majority of mps want to stop a no-deal Brexit. This week opposition parties agreed that, when the Commons returns on September 3rd, they will try to hijack its agenda to pass a law calling for another extension of the Brexit deadline. But a day later Mr Johnson trumped them by announcing a long suspension of Parliament, from September 11th to October 14th, when a Queen’s Speech will start a new session.The prime minister claimed this was a normal way for a new government to set out its plans on crime, health and so on. Yet his main goal is the cynical one of shortening the time for mps to stop no-deal. At almost five weeks, it will be Parliament’s longest suspension before a Queen’s Speech since 1945. The response was apoplectic. Jeremy Corbyn, Labour’s leader, labelled the move a "smash and grab on our democracy". The Commons Speaker, John Bercow, called it a "constitutional outrage". Even many Tories were unhappy. Ruth Davidson, the party’s popular leader in Scotland and a long-standing critic of Mr Johnson, quit the next day.The oddity is that a week earlier Mr Johnson was speaking of progress towards a Brexit deal. He had junked his vow not even to talk to fellow Europeans until they dropped the Irish backstop, an insurance policy to avert a hard border in Ireland by keeping the entire United Kingdom in a customs union with the eu. Instead, after meeting Germany’s Angela Merkel and France’s Emmanuel Macron, he offered to propose an alternative to the backstop within 30 days. Upsetting hardline Brexiteers, he also said he would not seek other changes to the withdrawal agreement negotiated by Theresa May, his predecessor. [...]The impact on the British economy, which is already teetering near recession, could indeed be severe. The government’s leaked "Operation Yellowhammer" analysis talks of possible shortages of fresh food, medicine and petrol, disruption to ports and the risk of civil unrest, especially in Northern Ireland, where trade across the border could be severely hampered. Manufacturers fret about the effect on just-in-time supply chains of tariffs and non-tariff barriers. Farmers and fishers are worried about duties on sheep, beef and fish exports. Service businesses and the nhs talk of recruitment problems.Brexiteers dismiss this as another "Project Fear", like the prophecies of doom before the June 2016 referendum which turned out to be too gloomy. They concede that there could be bumps in the road. But they also claim that no-deal would end uncertainty for businesses, be harmoniously managed by all sides and lead quickly to a new free-trade deal with the eu.As Charles Grant of the Centre for European Reform, a think-tank, notes, the chaos around no-deal would in fact maximise the uncertainty for businesses. Far from being harmonious, it would be acrimonious, especially since Mr Johnson says he would not pay the full £39bn ($48bn) Brexit bill accepted by Mrs May. And an early trade deal looks far-fetched. The eu would insist on the Brexit bill, protection of eu citizens’ rights and an Irish backstop as prerequisites. Any talks would be on a different legal basis from Article 50, which governs the current negotiations, requiring a fresh negotiating mandate, the unanimous approval of eu governments and ratification by national and regional parliaments.Given this, most mps are understandably against no-deal. But can they stop it happening? Next week they will return to work after days of feverish exchanges over what to do. They are helped by the fact that Mr Bercow seems determined to exploit all his power as Speaker to give mps a say, and that Mr Johnson has a Commons majority of just one. Yet they know that no-deal is the default option in the absence of other action and that, thanks to Mr Johnson’s suspension of Parliament, time is short. Many concede that no-deal Brexiteers are better organised and more ruthless than their opponents.Maddy Thimont Jack of the Institute for Government, another think-tank, reckons mps have just enough time to legislate, if they remain united. The plan is to ask Mr Bercow for an emergency debate under standing order 24 and use this to follow the precedent of the Cooper-Letwin bill that was passed in March. Back then, mps took control of the Commons agenda for a day to bring in the bill, which required the prime minister to request an extension of the original Brexit deadline of March 29th. mps might also need to suspend standing order 48, which says only a minister may propose acts costing public money.Ms Thimont Jack notes that the March bill became law in less than five days. But that was partly because Mrs May chose not to obstruct it. Even if a similar bill passes the Commons in a single day, as then, it is hard to break a filibuster in the Lords, where the timetable for debate is less easily curtailed. Another problem is that any law can require Mr Johnson only to ask for an extension. He might do so on terms that allow him to refuse any offer from the eu, though Brussels is keen to avoid any blame for a no-deal Brexit.These uncertainties make some mps keen to consider a vote of no confidence in Mr Johnson’s government. But that, too, is fraught with difficulties (see article). So are such options as trying to revoke the Article 50 Brexit application, for which there is much less support in Parliament. The harsh truth is that, although majorities of both mps and voters are against a no-deal Brexit, an idea not even floated by Brexiteers during the referendum campaign, the timetable makes it tricky to stop, however much Parliament tries.?This article appeared in the Britain section of the print edition under the headline "Prime minister v Parliament"(3) Economist Editorial: MPs must act now to stop Johnson’s no-deal Brexithttps://www.economist.com/leaders/2019/08/29/how-parliament-can-stop-boris-johnsons-no-deal-brexitWho you gonna call?How Parliament can stop Boris Johnson’s no-deal BrexitThe prime minister has sidelined Parliament and set a course for no-deal. MPs must act now to stop himPrint edition | LeadersAug 29th 2019One by one, the principles on which the Brexit campaign was fought have been exposed as hollow. Before the referendum, Leavers argued that victory would enable them to negotiate a brilliant deal with the European Union. Now they advocate leaving with no deal at all. Before the vote they said that Brexit would allow Britain to strike more free-trade agreements. Now they say that trading on the bare-bones terms of the World Trade Organisation would be fine. Loudest of all they talked of taking back control and restoring sovereignty to Parliament. Yet on August 28th Boris Johnson, a leading Leaver who is now prime minister, announced that in the run-up to Brexit Parliament would be suspended altogether.His utterly cynical ploy is designed to stop mps steering the country off the reckless course he has set to leave the eu with or without a deal on October 31st (see article). His actions are technically legal, but they stretch the conventions of the constitution to their limits. Because he is too weak to carry Parliament in a vote, he means to silence it. In Britain’s representative democracy, that sets a dangerous precedent (see article).  But it is still not too late for mps to thwart his plans—if they get organised. The sense of inevitability about no-deal, cultivated by the hardliners advising Mr Johnson, is bogus. The eu is against such an outcome; most Britons oppose it; Parliament has already voted against the idea. Those mps determined to stop no-deal have been divided and unfocused. When they return to work next week after their uneasy summer recess, they will have a fleeting chance to avert this unwanted national calamity. Mr Johnson’s actions this week have made clear why they must seize it.Of all her mistakes as prime minister, perhaps Theresa May’s gravest was to plant the idea that Britain might do well to leave the eu without any exit agreement. Her slogan that "no deal is better than a bad deal" was supposed to persuade the Europeans to make concessions. It didn’t—but it did persuade many British voters and mps that if the eu offered less than perfect terms, Britain should walk away.In fact the government’s own analysis suggests that no-deal would make the economy 9% smaller after 15 years than if Britain had remained. Mr Johnson says preparations for the immediate disruption are "colossal and extensive and fantastic". Yet civil servants expect shortages of food, medicine and petrol, and a "meltdown" at ports. A growing number of voters seem to think that a few bumpy months and a lasting hit to incomes might be worth it to get the whole tedious business out of the way. This is the greatest myth of all. If Britain leaves with no deal it will face an even more urgent need to reach terms with the eu, which will demand the same concessions as before—and perhaps greater ones, given that Britain’s hand will be weaker.Mr Johnson insists that his intention is to get a new, better agreement before October 31st, and that to do so he needs to threaten the eu with the credible prospect of no-deal. Despite the fact that Mrs May got nowhere with this tactic, many Tory mps still see it as a good one. The eu wants a deal, after all. And whereas it became clear that Mrs May was bluffing about walking out, Mr Johnson might just be serious (the fanatics who do his thinking certainly are). Angela Merkel, Germany’s chancellor, said recently that Britain should come up with a plan in the next 30 days if it wants to replace the Irish backstop, the most contentious part of the withdrawal agreement. Many moderate Tories, even those who oppose no-deal, would like to give their new prime minister a chance to prove his mettle.They are mistaken. First, the effect of the no-deal threat on Brussels continues to be overestimated in London. The eu’s position—that it is open to plausible British suggestions—is the same as it has always been. The eu’s priority is to keep the rules of its club intact, to avoid other members angling for special treatment. With or without the threat of no-deal, it will make no more than marginal changes to the existing agreement. Second, even if the eu were to drop the backstop altogether, the resulting deal might well be rejected by "Spartan" Tory Brexiteers, so intoxicated by the idea of leaving without a deal that they seem ready to vote against any agreement. And third, even if an all-new deal were offered by the eu and then passed by Parliament, ratifying it in Europe and passing the necessary laws in Britain would require an extension well beyond October 31st. Mr Johnson’s vow to leave on that date, "do or die", makes it impossible to leave with any new deal. It also reveals that he is fundamentally unserious about negotiating one.That is why Parliament must act now to take no-deal off the table, by passing a law requiring the prime minister to ask the eu for an extension. Even before Mr Johnson poleaxed Parliament, this was not going to be easy. The House of Commons’ agenda is controlled by Downing Street, which will allow no time for such a bill. mps showed in the spring that they could take temporary control of the agenda, when they passed a law forcing Mrs May to request an extension beyond the first Brexit deadline of March 29th. This time there is no current legislation to act as a "hook" for an amendment mandating an extension, so the Speaker of the House would have to go against precedent by allowing mps to attach a binding vote to an emergency debate. All that may be possible. But with Parliament suspended for almost five weeks there will be desperately little time.So, if rebel mps cannot pass a law, they must be ready to use their weapon of last resort: kicking Mr Johnson out of office with a vote of no confidence. He has a working majority of just one. The trouble is that attempts to find a caretaker prime minister, to request a Brexit extension before calling an election, have foundered on whether it should be Jeremy Corbyn, the far-left Labour leader whom most Tories despise, or a more neutral figure.If the various factions opposed to no-deal cannot agree, Mr Johnson will win. But if they needed a reason to put aside their differences, he has just given them one. The prime minister was already steering Britain towards a no-deal Brexit that would hit the economy, wrench at the union and cause a lasting rift with international allies. Now he has shown himself willing to stifle parliamentary democracy to achieve his aims. Wavering mps must ask themselves: if not now, when? ?This article appeared in the Leaders section of the print edition under the headline "Who’s gonna stop no-deal?"Soros PS Will Boris Johnson’s Political Coup Succeed?  To: Peter Mailstar <peter@mailstar.net>(4) Soros' Project Syndicate proposes ways to beat Johnson's 'Coup' (Anatole Kaletsky)https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/boris-johnson-suspension-of-parliament-could-work-by-anatole-kaletsky-2019-08Will Boris Johnson’s Political Coup Succeed?Aug 29, 2019ANATOLE KALETSKYThe UK's prime minister is probably right to think that suspending Parliament has made a last-minute Brexit deal more likely. Fortunately, there is also a decent chance that his quasi-dictatorial behavior will provoke a rapid parliamentary backlash that ends his political career.LONDON – The long-running tragicomedy of the United Kingdom’s relationship with the European Union is, at long last, approaching its climax. Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s maneuver to suspend the UK Parliament for almost the entire period leading up to the Brexit deadline of October 31 was described by Speaker of the House John Bercow as a "constitutional outrage," but it had one advantage. It confronted the 650 Members of Parliament with a clear binary choice. Either a majority of MPs will vote in the first week of September to replace Johnson with a new caretaker prime minister, or they will leave him with unconstrained power to implement his threat of a no-deal Brexit, putting Britain on a collision course with the EU. That choice, in turn, will have big implications for the EU’s future.So, how will events unfold? When MPs return from their summer recess in the first week of September, Jeremy Corbyn, the leader of the opposition Labour Party, will almost certainly present a no-confidence motion to remove Johnson from power. Because Johnson’s Conservatives and the Northern Irish Democratic Unionist Party hold a combined majority in the House of Commons of just one vote, and given that a considerable number of Tories oppose a no-deal Brexit, there is a high probability that Johnson will lose.But that would not be enough to force Johnson’s resignation. Under the 2011 Fixed-Term Parliaments Act, if a prime minister loses a no-confidence vote, Parliament must either vote for a replacement within 14 days or the defeated government remains in place and organizes a general election at a time of its choosing within about three months, easily long enough for Johnson implement his promise of "Brexit, do or die" by October 31. The only way to prevent this would be to elect a new prime minister; with Parliament now due to be suspended, that vote would have to take place before September 9.Corbyn, as leader of the opposition, has already proposed himself as a caretaker prime minister, with a strictly limited mandate to carry out just two tasks: to extend the Brexit deadline and then immediately call a general election. But with many pro-EU Tories vehemently opposed to Corbyn, another candidate for caretaker prime minister could be a less partisan figure with no personal ambitions. That could be Kenneth Clarke, the former Tory Chancellor who, as the longest-serving MP, is "Father of the House," or Harriet Harman, who served as interim Labour leader in 2015.Or perhaps the former Labour foreign minister, Margaret Beckett, might be most likely to get Corbyn to step aside. Beckett, after all, was one of the 36 MPs who signed the petition that allowed Corbyn to run for Labour leader in the first place. Without her support, he would not be where he is today. Thus, standing aside for Beckett, who is much more likely to gain the support of anti-no-deal Tories, would be something Corbyn could sell to his supporters. In any case, if Johnson were deposed this way, voters would go to the polls in late October or November and remain in the EU until then (European leaders have repeatedly said that the Brexit deadline would be extended for a new election).The Conservatives would be deeply split between supporters and opponents of Johnson’s no-deal Brexit, underscoring the Tories’ rivalry with Nigel Farage’s militantly anti-EU Brexit Party. The opposition parties, meanwhile, would probably enjoy some political dividends from their temporary cooperation. The likely outcome would therefore be another "hung parliament," with no party holding a majority. This time, however, Labour, the Liberal Democrats, and the Scottish Nationalist Party might well be dominant – and all would be committed to a final referendum on whether Brexit should go ahead.If, on the other hand, MPs fail to elect a new prime minister, Parliament will be suspended on September 10 and there will be no further obstacles to Johnson’s vision of Brexit, "with or without a deal."Johnson believes that the newfound freedom from political constraints achieved by suspending Parliament will greatly strengthen his bargaining power in demanding changes to the failed withdrawal agreement negotiated by his predecessor, Theresa May. Some EU leaders may well have been hoping that Parliament would balk at the risks of a no-deal Brexit and intervene to prevent it. With this possibility removed, the EU could decide to offer Johnson the one modest concession he has demanded for an orderly and cooperative Brexit deal: removal of the "Irish backstop" provision, which would tie Britain to EU trade policies until a new permanent trade agreement is negotiated to allow an open border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.Johnson could well be right. While the UK would certainly be harmed by a no-deal Brexit, the EU would also suffer severely. The UK is continental Europe’s second-largest market, accounting for 12% of the eurozone’s total exports, almost double China’s 7%, and only slightly behind the 14% share that goes to the US.To risk a rupture with Europe’s second biggest customer would be particularly dangerous at a time when the US and China are engaged in a trade war, Germany is on the brink of recession as a result of collapsing car sales, France is riven by civil disobedience, and Italy is in open revolt against EU rules. Moreover, a no-deal Brexit would hit Ireland – the one EU member directly affected by the backstop – harder than any other country, and not only because of obvious disruptions in trade and transport.1Much more seriously, Ireland would have to take responsibility for erecting the "hard border" in Northern Ireland that the backstop was designed to avoid. Why would the Irish government prefer the certainty of putting its police and army in harm’s way immediately to protect a hard border, rather than agreeing to a compromise with Johnson that would remove the backstop at the cost of a remote possibility that a border would become necessary many years from now?Once this question starts to be asked in Dublin, and also in Brussels, Berlin, and Paris, the answer is likely to prove favorable to a new Brexit deal. This is why Johnson is probably right to think that his cynical calculation to suspend Parliament has made a last-minute Brexit deal more likely. Fortunately, considering the dreadful political implications of this "constitutionally outrageous" action in what was once Europe’s most stable democracy, there is also a decent chance that Johnson’s quasi-dictatorial behavior will provoke a rapid parliamentary backlash that ends his political career.Anatole Kaletsky is Chief Economist and Co-Chairman of Gavekal Dragonomics. A former columnist at the Times of London, the International New York Times and the Financial Times, he is the author of Capitalism 4.0: The Birth of a New Economy in the Aftermath of Crisis, which anticipated many of the post-crisis transformations of the global economy. His 1985 book, Costs of Default, became an influential primer for Latin American and Asian governments negotiating debt defaults and restructurings with banks and the IMF.(5) Told of Corporate opposition to Hard Brexit, Johnson replied: "Fuck Business"https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-44618154Boris Johnson challenged over Brexit business 'expletive'26 June 2018Boris Johnson has refused to deny claims he used an expletive when asked about business concerns about Brexit.The foreign secretary is reported to have used the swear word at a diplomatic gathering last week.Asked about this in the Commons, he said he may have "expressed scepticism about some of the views of those who profess to speak up for business".Theresa May said it was right the government listened to business voices about the terms of the UK's exit.This story contains language some may find offensive.Airbus, BMW and Siemens have warned about the impact on their UK-based operations if the UK leaves the EU next March without any agreement.Their warnings have prompted different responses from ministers.Business Secretary Greg Clark has said the UK must "take and act on the advice of business" but Health Secretary Jeremy Hunt said a warning from Airbus that it could cease operations entirely in the UK, threatening thousands of jobs, was "completely inappropriate".Asked about corporate concerns over a so-called hard Brexit, at an event for EU diplomats in London last week, Mr Johnson is reported to have replied: "Fuck business."Mr Johnson, who was reportedly speaking at the time to Rudolf Huygelen, Belgium's ambassador to the EU, was also overheard saying he and others would fight Theresa May's soft Brexit "and win". [...](6) Labour hard left threatens Shutdown - blockading bridges and  roads - to stop Hard Brexithttps://www.express.co.uk/news/politics/1171493/Brexit-latest-Labour-momentum-riot-occupy-bridges-Liverpool-Leeds-Manchester-LondonLabour hard left to 'shut down Britain' by 'blockading bridges and roads' to stop no dealLABOUR's hard left is urging followers to "shut down the streets" the streets in a protest against Boris Johnson's attempt to prorogue Parliament, with campaigner Owen Jones warning: "We are not going to stop".By CIARAN MCGATHPUBLISHED: 14:52, Thu, Aug 29, 2019 | UPDATED: 16:12, Thu, Aug 29, 2019Eton educated, millionaire Boris Johnson is stealing our democracy so he can sell off our NHS to big US corporations in a No Deal, Trump first Brexit."Real power doesn’t sit with the Queen or in Parliament. It’s with us the people – and that’s why we need to take action."Our message to Johnson is this: if you steal our democracy, we'll shut down the streets."On Wednesday, Boris Johnson said he wanted to prorogue Parliament in order to bring the current record-breaking session to a close and work on his Government's new legislative agenda.The decision provoked strong reactions, with opposition leaders accusing the Prime Minister of trying to halt their efforts to block a no-deal Brexit.Left-wing campaigner Owen Jones has asked supporters to "take to the streets" and "defend democracy".He said: "Within four hours thousands of people have taken to the streets, they have shut down Westminster, to stop the coup, to stop the onslaught against our hard won democracy, the rights and freedoms our ancestors fought for with such courage and determination."And that sense of optimism, of determination and resilience, is in the air."The government which only represents the elites has picked a fight."Our unelected Prime Minister is waging war on democracy but they overplayed their hand."There is a real sense here, not just anger, but determination: we are not going to stop."Clvie Lewis, Labour MP for Norwich South, yesterday tweeted: "If Boris shuts down Parliament to carry out his No-Deal Brexit, I and other MPs will defend democracy. [...]"We will call an extraordinary session of Parliament."The Another Europe Is Possible organisation publicised details of a series of rallies on Saturday being organised throughout the UK, from Aberdeen to York.National organiser Michael Chessum said: "The crowds are angry, energetic and hopeful, and are taking matters into their own hands. [...]Express.co.uk has contacted Momemtum for more details about their plans.(7) Global Justice & Red Pepper nationwide protests 'to defend democracy and #StopTheCoup'https://www.globaljustice.org.uk/news/2019/aug/28/no-shock-doctrine-britain-dont-let-boris-johnson-shut-down-parliamenthttps://www.redpepper.org.uk/no-shock-doctrine-for-britain-stop-boris-johnson/No shock doctrine for Britain: Stop Boris JohnsonDirector of Global Justice Now, Nick Dearden, calls for swift action to stop Boris Johnson shutting down ParliamentAugust 29, 2019{photo} protestors march with red banner saying stop tory brexit {end}Britain’s political crisis just got much deeper when the prime minister announced he would suspend parliament from mid-September for five weeks. Coming the day after MPs agreed a cross-party plan to avoid No Deal, it’s clear that Boris Johnson’s purpose is to prevent MPs from having time to stop his dangerous vision for Brexit.Whether you were for Leave or Remain, this is about democracy. We cannot allow this prime minister to suspend parliament because he doesn’t think it will vote for No Deal. Every one of us needs to stand up and be counted.Already, over 1.4 million have signed a petition on the government website calling for the suspension to be reversed. Thousands of people have taken to the streets to say no to the shutdown of democracy and further protests are scheduled across the UK.The Shock Doctrine comes to Britain At Global Justice Now, we always feared that Brexit would be used to push through a radical programme of deregulation and liberalisation, which is why we campaigned to remain in the EU during the referendum. It’s why we set out our red lines for any acceptable Brexit deal in the aftermath of the result. And it’s why we opposed Theresa May’s deal earlier this year.Since Boris Johnson became prime minister, we have got a clearer idea of what this extreme Brexit would look like: a toxic trade deal with the US, a hostile environment extended to millions more migrants, and free market policies extended into more and more aspects of our society. Now he is attempting to bypass our elected parliament to force this through.It’s what the author and activist Naomi Klein has called ‘the shock doctrine’, creating a political crisis in order to restructure an economy in deeply unpopular ways. Johnson knows that he can’t get this vision through parliament, so he’s proposing to render our elected representatives powerless to stop it.A dangerous momentThis attack on democratic rights is part of a global trend which is being used by authoritarian leaders in the United States, India, Brazil, the Philippines and more. Donald Trump and his fellow populist leaders are attempting to subvert democracy so they can push through policies which will make the world a less fair, equal or sustainable place.We would never claim that our democracy is perfect. We urgently need to reform our political system, as well as radically change our economy and our relationship with our environment. But Johnson’s attack on our democratic rights will only make it harder.This is a very serious moment for this country, and a very dangerous moment for the world. Please help challenge this attack on our democratic rights, and using those rights to work for a better world. Sign the petition against the suspension of parliament. Join the nationwide protests this Saturday 31 August to defend democracy and #StopTheCoup.(8) Socialist Worker Trots call for Mass Strikes to kick Johnson outhttps://socialistworker.co.uk/art/48862/As+Johnson+suspends+parliament%2C+protest+to+kick+him+outAs Johnson suspends parliament, protest to kick him outby Charlie KimberIn a sign of his weakness, Boris Johnson has asked the queen for permission to suspend parliament for five weeks from early September. Johnson wants to reduce the chances of being defeated by MPs over his plans for a no-deal Brexit.Having been elected only by Tory members, he now wants to escape further scrutiny. Protests have been called all over Britain.The crisis has to be used to break Tory rule.It is crucial that these protests are anti-Tory and for forcing Johnson and the government out—not protests against Brexit.And they must be open to people who voted Leave.It will be disastrous if Johnson and Brexit Party leader Nigel Farage are allowed to pose as the friends of the people against out of touch MPs who are ignoring people’s votes.That is why it was a mistake for Labour to line up with the Lib Dems and others earlier this week against a no-deal Brexit.The Tories’ version of Brexit is wrong because it is racist and pro-austerity, not because it is "bad for Britain". [...]There had already been plans to hold a recess during the party conference season from 12 September until 7 October. So in reality the shutdown will lead to MPs losing four to six sitting days, depending on when the suspension begins.Parliament re-assembles on Tuesday, and there are certain to be attempts to stop the shutdown, and to block a no-deal Brexit. [...]Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn said Labour will do everything it can to prevent what he described as a "smash and grab" by the government. [...]He also demanded a meeting with the queen.Corbyn said the first thing Labour would do was to put forward legislation to prevent the suspension, and that there would be a challenge in the form of a vote of no confidence.Some union leaders spoke about a coup by Johnson, but put forward very few plans for action.Mick Whelan, the general secretary of the train drivers’ trade union, Aslef, said Johnson’s decision to "try to sideline parliament in the run-up to Brexit" could cause civil unrest."Whatever your views on Brexit, the democratic process must underpin what is done in all our names—or civil unrest will be the result."GMB general secretary Tim Roache said, "For a prime minister who wanted our parliament to ‘take back control’ this is as ridiculous as it is worrying for the very foundations of our democracy."If Johnson is so sure he is in line with the ‘will of the people’ there’s a very easy way to find out—call an election."Union leaders should have been calling mass strikes and protests from the beginning of the political crisis over Brexit seven months ago when Theresa May was defeated in parliament. They need to start calling for this action now.