The Path to OneDemocratic State in Palestine

What are the real options remaining for resolving theIsraeli/Palestinian conflict? The time has long since passed when the Zionistscould contemplate driving out all non-Jews, or the Palestinians could seriouslycontemplate sending the Jews back where they came from. The Israeli people are hereto stay, and it has become crystal clear that the Palestinians are not going togo meekly into exile or accept being permanently consigned to powerlessreservations existing at the pleasure of their Israeli masters.

 Despite theconventional and cynical nonsense about a two-state solution, that door closedyears ago with the construction of the Israeli Matrix of Control over the WestBank and the permanent occupation, within what prior to 1967 were thePalestinian Territories,  by 450,000Israeli settlers.  This much is obviousto all keen observers of the situation who are not blinded by ethnic orreligious ideologies.

All that remains is the reality of a land in which resideboth Israelis and Palestinians, some of the latter living as second-classcitizens within Israel proper and the rest separated by the apartheid wall and imprisonedin the West Bank, and in Gaza. This situation cannot continue indefinitely.Somehow or other, one single state must emerge. The only question is what kindof state.

What exists now is actually a form of that state – and it closelyconforms to the ethnic cleansing strategy worked out by the political Zionists fromthe very beginning. Most of the land now lies within the borders of the JewishState proper, with the non-Jewish minority marginalized within those borders,and the rest of the area populated by a powerless majority of Palestinianscarved up into half a dozen Bantustans completely at the mercy of the settlercolonists dispersed throughout, and the IDF backing them up and always at theready for yet another bloody incursion. It’s not quite the Final Solutionenvisaged by the most radical and bloodthirsty of the early Zionists, but itrepresents a stunning, albeit pyrrhic, victory.

It is not, however, a “solution,” as it can never beconsummated, not as long as the Palestinians are able to sustain an oppositionand put their case before the world. In the meantime, the demographic clock isticking. Even Ehud Olmert has admitted that if Israel and its allies (the USand the Quisling PA) are unable to fabricate some sort of mock “PalestinianState,” then the one state solution will inexorably emerge as the onlyalternative. Barring a last ditch, successful Zionist attempt at mass expulsionor total genocide, it is indeed inevitable.

The alternative to the extreme Zionist dream of a “finalsolution” is the establishment of a democratic, multi-ethnic, pluralistic stateconsisting of all the residents of the entire area. This scenario mirrors whatthe world has long established as the preferred model for resolving suchdisputes. And if, as we have demonstrated, partition is not a viable option (ifit ever was), there is really no other choice. What then, are the obstacles toa realistic resolution of the conflict?

I would contend that there are two major obstacles: Zionistintransigence both within Israel and from its supporters in Europe and NorthAmerica, and, second, lingering Palestinian attachment to the notion of havingtheir own state, and the willingness of their supporters abroad to go alongwith this fantasy. The remainder of this article will consist of an analysis ofthese two obstacles, with the emphasis on how the Palestinians and theirfriends could break the stalemate, as this is so much more easily accomplishedthan trying to break the monopoly, head on, of the Zionist discourse in theWestern world. This latter task will resolve itself into a fait accompli if thesuggested Palestinian strategy is successfully pursued.

Articles similar to this one, supporting justice for thePalestinians, exposing the evils of Zionism, detailing how Israel’s survivaldepends on the overwhelming political, military and economic support of theWestern powers, particularly the US, and so on and so forth, are ubiquitous inthe alternative press and on the Internet. And there have been more than adozen excellent books. But they have little practical effect, as the Zionistnarrative and Israeli propaganda have total dominance within the mainstream mediaand among the politicians, and therefore constitute the entire conventionalwisdom in the West.

Israel’s survival as a Jewish state depends on maintainingthe dominance of their narrative, both among their own people and in the West. Continuedbelief in it is based on fear, ignorance and arrogance;  the constant harping on “existential threats”such as “terrorism,” (their own State terrorism is ignored) and neighbors outto destroy them (Iran is the boogeyman du jour), at the same time perpetuatingthe absurd image of the Israeli David against Goliath (the 4^th mostpowerful military in the world pitted against ragged bands of stone throwersand primitive rockets), the brave and intrepid Maccabees against overwhelmingodds.

Although, by and large, the Israeli people are actuallyindifferent, if not hostile, to Zionism (it reminds them of where they camefrom, which they’d rather forget), it is Zionism which gave the Jewish stateits birth, and remains the justification for its continued existence in theeyes of the Western world and its sycophants elsewhere.  While Zionism is the ideological underpinningof the state and its outside support, its religion is the Holocaust. And thereis the same ambivalence among Israelis regarding the Holocaust as there isabout Zionism.

It is important to consider this background in formulating astrategy for resolving the problem in a peaceful and pragmatic way. The mostimportant point is that, in spite of all the Jewish related mythology, Israelisprefer to  see their state as a modernWestern democracy, a member in good standing of the First World, and it is inthis respect, oddly enough, where it is most vulnerable.

If the Palestinians were to take this cardinal myth at facevalue, that of Israel being a democracy in the classic Western tradition, thenthey could call their bluff. This is precisely what Gandhi did in India,Mandela in South Africa, and Martin Luther King in the U.S. Never mind thatunderlying all the pretensions of the Western democracies is the threat and useof force to ensure hegemony – there is a moral force that trumps materialpower, because it can enlist the hearts and minds not only of the oppressed,but the populations of the countries doing the oppressing, at which point allthe impressive weaponry is rendered irrelevant. Just ask the Vietnamese or theformer subjects of the Soviet Union. This is particularly true in the case ofIsrael/Palestine, because the Jewish State is so utterly dependent on popularsupport within the Western world.

There is a natural order to the events that would have totranspire to reconfigure Palestine. First, apopular movement for the full civil rights of the “Israeli Arabs.”  Without this precondition, the second piece, an effective,internationally supported movement for the human and civil rights of thePalestinians within the Occupied Territories, as equal citizens under thelaw, cannot be mounted successfully. Thefinal piece of the puzzle would be the realization of the Right of Return infact as well as in International Law.

The first step addresses the condition of segregation,second class citizenship and apartheid faced by those Palestinians who neitherleft nor were driven out during the Nakba. Barely tolerated, at best treatedwith a benign ignorance but also subject to virulent Israeli racism, thesepeople are faced with numerous restrictions, most importantly having to do withland ownership and residence. They haven’t been driven out, yet, for tworeasons. First, they provide a convenient cover for the fanciful notion thatIsrael is a typical, Western style democracy. Secondly, their numbers have,until now, remained low enough (under 20%) for the Israeli Jews to effectivelyemasculate them politically, while at the same time being able to pretend thatthey are fully represented.

 Only recently, led byAzmi Bishara, MK [http://www.afsc.org/israel-palestine/profiles-of-peace/azmi-bishara.htm], these Palestinians have begun to speak out. The immediate Israeli responsewas to prepare criminal charges against Dr. Bishara for treason (notsurprisingly, he has contacts in Arab countries, some of them technically atwar with Israel). Acting on the principle that discretion is the better part ofvalor, he left the country, perhaps feeling that he could be more effective asa free agent in exile rather than in an Israeli prison. But it was anopportunity missed, as Gandhi or Mandela could have told him - or MarwanBarghouti, for that matter, currently languishing in an Israeli prison, and,largely as a result, the most popular political leader on the West Bank. Dr.Bishara, if he were to choose to be a hero, would return to Israel. Or perhapssomeone else will step up in his place.

If one imagines that such a civil rights movement meets withsome success, at least in terms of energizing widespread support, only thencould the same principles and tactics be applied within the OPT. To emphasize,we are speaking of a non-violent campaign of protest and civil disobedience,coupled with the existing international campaign of Boycott, Divestment andSanctions [http://www.bds-palestine.net/]. But the aim would not be the chimeraof a Palestinian State, but universal acceptance of the idea that all of thepeople of the land are entitled to share it, based on the principles of oneperson one vote, equality before the law, and impartial respect for humandignity. These are not controversial notions. They are unassailable,self-evident and therefore cannot be defeated.

It must be emphasized that one of the keys to success iscleaving to the principle of non-violence. Leaving the moral question aside, itmust be widely understood by now that the use of lethal force by thePalestinians serves no useful purpose, other than providing the transientemotional satisfaction of hitting back. But the cost is far too high. Every actof violence against Israelis provides them with cover to commit far greaterviolence against Palestinians without paying any political price whatsoever. Itis ironic that the Palestinian use of violence has been one of Israeli’s mostpowerful weapons.

From a purely practical point of view, it is futile toattempt to gain any political leverage in this conflict through the use offorce against an enemy that has a virtual monopoly on military ways and means.Nor does it make any sense to split hairs and distinguish between military andcivilian targets. It is simply counter-productive, and is completelyincompatible with the suggested strategy of demanding one’s rights as equalcitizens in a modern democracy through a campaign of civil disobedience, respectfor international law and moral suasion. The best weapon that a Palestinian orone of their friends can aim is the video camera. It is only by revealing thereality behind the mirage that will change perception, the most vital step inwinning over public opinion both in Israel and in the West.

The strategy is simple. Mount the aforementioned campaign,following the sequence as described, leading to the inevitable establishment ofa single, democratic state in Palestine. As for tactics, there is no need toreinvent the wheel. The principles of such a struggle are engraved in thehistories of Gandhi and M.L. King. It is up to the Palestinians and theirsupporters, and everyone everywhere who is devoted to the principles of peace,justice and compassion to apply these lessons to the current circumstances inIsrael/Palestine. This program may appear idealistic, but it is notparticularly utopian. On the contrary, it is eminently pragmatic and doable.  The alternative is the continuation of theappalling suffering of the Palestinians, further instability and conflict inthe whole area, and the very real likelihood of a nuclear conflagration.

It is up to the Palestinians, in concert with their Israelifriends, to do whatever needs to be done. Those of us looking on from the outside can only offer support andcounsel, but we are all connected, and it will eventually require a concertedinternational effort to bring about a just and workable solution.

This article was firstpublished by the One Democratic State-Gaza group [http://odsg.org].

26 Jul 2008